One year ago on Round and Square (18 August 2011)—Displays of Authenticity: Thome Run #600.
Click here for the introduction to the Round and Square series "Rural Religion in Early China."
Click here for the introduction to "La Pensée Cyclique" the "umbrella topic for this series.
Click here for the introduction to the Round and Square series "Rural Religion in Early China."
Click here for the introduction to "La Pensée Cyclique" the "umbrella topic for this series.
Autumnal Sharing
Youth is no longer served in the autumn, as the same
young people who chanted in the spring begin to take on the character of adults,
who form pairs and face each other in far more domestic ways. Youthful energy, notes Granet, never can
completely be extinguished, but the sacral center of the autumn festival moves
away from the areas for youthful song and dance to the grain threshing
floors. Agricultural work and bounty was
thus celebrated, and the social connections were made more powerful by the
sharing of food. The opposition of local
groups, as Granet points out, was formed during these times, and the sharing of
food—as well as the exchange of female community members—preceded the return to
the communities in slightly altered (and thus renewed) form.
They quite early took on a special character and the
appearance of
village festivals; girls and boys doubtless continued to assemble in
the Holy Place there to sing and dance, but the center of the ceremony
was shifted to the floor where the grain was threshed. There neighboring
families invited one another to the great feasts. Hosts and guests were
separated into two bands, as in the love-song contests, and formed up in
lines. The opposition of local groups was first expressed in this fashion.[1]
village festivals; girls and boys doubtless continued to assemble in
the Holy Place there to sing and dance, but the center of the ceremony
was shifted to the floor where the grain was threshed. There neighboring
families invited one another to the great feasts. Hosts and guests were
separated into two bands, as in the love-song contests, and formed up in
lines. The opposition of local groups was first expressed in this fashion.[1]
Elles prirent
d'assez bonne heure un caractère particulier et l'aspect
de fêtes de village : sans doute, filles et garçons continuaient de
s'assembler au Lieu Saint pour y chanter et y danser, mais le centre
de la cérémonie fut transporté auprès des aires où l'on venait de
battre le grain. C'est là que les familles voisines se conviaient à de
vastes festins. Les hôtes et leurs invités se divisaient en deux bandes,
comme pour les joutes de chants d'amour, et formaient des lignes
orientées. Ainsi se marquait d'abord l'opposition des groupes locaux.[2]
de fêtes de village : sans doute, filles et garçons continuaient de
s'assembler au Lieu Saint pour y chanter et y danser, mais le centre
de la cérémonie fut transporté auprès des aires où l'on venait de
battre le grain. C'est là que les familles voisines se conviaient à de
vastes festins. Les hôtes et leurs invités se divisaient en deux bandes,
comme pour les joutes de chants d'amour, et formaient des lignes
orientées. Ainsi se marquait d'abord l'opposition des groupes locaux.[2]
[b] Chant RF |
But each of them knew the benefit to be got from not
jealously keeping
the products of its own fields: it would not have dared to be the first to
taste the first fruits of its harvest, and it first of all felt the need to
Tasting the first fruits is more than mere ceremony. To do so oneself would have been unthinkable, because the principle of circulation is far more important than that of taste or temptation. The one act is merely physical. The latter is moral, even aesthetic.
the products of its own fields: it would not have dared to be the first to
taste the first fruits of its harvest, and it first of all felt the need to
consecrate its new-won riches by using them with generosity.[3]
Mais chacun
savait le bénéfice qu'il aurait à ne point se réserver
jalousement tous les
produits de son champ : il n'eût point osé goûter
le premier à ses
récoltes et il éprouvait d'abord le besoin de faire
consacrer sa richesse
nouvelle, en usant d'elle largement.[4] Tasting the first fruits is more than mere ceremony. To do so oneself would have been unthinkable, because the principle of circulation is far more important than that of taste or temptation. The one act is merely physical. The latter is moral, even aesthetic.
[c] Fruits RF |
These acts of generosity were a matter of some moment for the
honor of the family, which drew from them an omen of plenty. Was it
not necessary, in order to be confident of the future, for present
propriety to be recognized at all? Besides, none was the loser by it,
since nobody would have wished to be put to less expense than his
neighbor.[5]
Ces largesses
importaient à l'honneur de la famille qui en tirait un
présage d'abondance : ne fallait-il pas, pour avoir confiance dans l'avenir,
que la prospérité présente fût reconnue de tous ? Nul, au reste, n'y perdait,
puisque personne n'eût voulu se mettre moins en frais que le voisin.[6]
présage d'abondance : ne fallait-il pas, pour avoir confiance dans l'avenir,
que la prospérité présente fût reconnue de tous ? Nul, au reste, n'y perdait,
puisque personne n'eût voulu se mettre moins en frais que le voisin.[6]
Generosity also works to the benefit of the family’s
reputation, and that only comes with the “confidence in the future” of which
Granet writes. The cycle of sharing is
fueled by the desire to gain prestige rather than the desire to protect goods
and foodstuffs.
By these alternate acts of prodigality, all thought to
enrich themselves
with the truest form of wealth: mutual esteem and faith in the happy
Fortune of their country. They killed lambs and brought jars of wine;
they drank and ate their fill.[7]
with the truest form of wealth: mutual esteem and faith in the happy
Fortune of their country. They killed lambs and brought jars of wine;
they drank and ate their fill.[7]
Tous, par ces
prodigalités alternées, pensaient s'enrichir des biens
les plus véritables : la considération mutuelle et la foi dans l'heureuse
Fortune de leur pays. On tuait des agneaux, on apportait des vases de
vin, on buvait, on mangeait à satiété.[8]
les plus véritables : la considération mutuelle et la foi dans l'heureuse
Fortune de leur pays. On tuait des agneaux, on apportait des vases de
vin, on buvait, on mangeait à satiété.[8]
[d] Creation RF |
Why should mutual esteem and shared participation in the
“fortune of their country” be fundamental?
Because people are not driven solely by their appetites. At the festivals they drank and ate heartily,
but shared a powerful bond in the process. Society was created through
these bonds, and the vigorous intoxication and full stomachs signaled a truly
religious exhilaration—a coming together that mixed the sensual and social in a
manner that could only strengthen the bonds between otherwise isolated people.
In this unusual commensality all became aware of a sort
of intimacy,
different from that underlying kinship, and, so to speak, of a less
everyday essence, but which yet seemed of higher value, so much did
feeling spring vigorously from the intoxication of these junketings. On
both sides they drank toasts to each other from wine-cups made of
rhinoceros horn: “Ten thousand years of life! Life without end!” And
everybody returned thanks.[9]
different from that underlying kinship, and, so to speak, of a less
everyday essence, but which yet seemed of higher value, so much did
feeling spring vigorously from the intoxication of these junketings. On
both sides they drank toasts to each other from wine-cups made of
rhinoceros horn: “Ten thousand years of life! Life without end!” And
everybody returned thanks.[9]
Dans cette
commensalité exceptionnelle, tous prenaient conscience
d'une espèce d'intimité, différente de celle qui fonde la parenté et,
pour ainsi dire, d'essence moins quotidienne, mais qui, par ailleurs,
paraissait de valeur supérieure, tant, dans l'ivresse de ces bombances,
le sentiment en jaillissait avec force. De part et d'autre, avec une coupe
faite en corne de rhinocéros, on se portait des santés : « Dix mille ans de
vie ! une vie sans fin ! » Et tous se rendaient grâces.[10]
d'une espèce d'intimité, différente de celle qui fonde la parenté et,
pour ainsi dire, d'essence moins quotidienne, mais qui, par ailleurs,
paraissait de valeur supérieure, tant, dans l'ivresse de ces bombances,
le sentiment en jaillissait avec force. De part et d'autre, avec une coupe
faite en corne de rhinocéros, on se portait des santés : « Dix mille ans de
vie ! une vie sans fin ! » Et tous se rendaient grâces.[10]
Such sharing of drink and “commensality,” then, was not
reserved only for the higher order of society and their complex, ritually
detailed lives. At a basic level, one
sees the same kinds of behavior in peasant religion, if we follow Granet’s
argument, as we do in higher orders. That is precisely because, as Granet points out, the foundations of
social and religious life are the same for everyone. Drinking wine from a rhinoceros horn and
shouting wansui! (ten-thousand years!)
is a form of social-religious communion that, with only changes in the setting
and the tableware, can be found throughout Chinese society
Notes
[1] Marcel Granet, The Religion of the Chinese People [Translated by Maurice Freedman] (New York: Harper & Row, 1975), 42.
[2] Marcel Granet, La religion des chinois (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1922), 15.
[3] Granet, Religion, 42.
[4] Granet, La religion, 15.
[5] Granet, Religion, 2-43.
[6] Granet, La religion, 15.
[7] Granet, Religion, 42.
[8] Granet, La religion, 15.
[9] Granet, Religion, 2-43.
[10] Granet, La religion, 15.
Bibliography
Granet, Marcel. The Religion of the Chinese People [Translated by Maurice Freedman]. New York:
Harper & Row, 1975.
Granet, Marcel. La religion des chinois. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1922.
Harper & Row, 1975.
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