One year ago on Round and Square (5 August 2011)—Longevity Mountain: Academy on High.
Click here for the introduction to the Round and Square series "Rural Religion in Early China."
Click here for the introduction to "La Pensée Cyclique" the "umbrella topic for this series.
The Religion of the Chinese People
We begin with Marcel Granet’s shortest and most unusual book, The Religion of the Chinese People (La religion des chinois). Published in 1922, it represents the beginning of a very productive time in Granet’s scholarly career. He had returned to France after his travels in China and military service, during which he prepared his theses and began work on his first publications, many of which now make up Etudes sociologiques sur la Chine. He published another thesis in 1919, and Religion can fairly be interpreted as the end of one phase of his work and beginning of another—a work for a general audience that concentrates and clarifies many of the scholarly messages in his doctoral research and foreshadows the complex analysis that would follow in the next dozen years.
Click here for the introduction to the Round and Square series "Rural Religion in Early China."
Click here for the introduction to "La Pensée Cyclique" the "umbrella topic for this series.
[a] Social RF |
Click here for other posts in Round and Square's "Rural Religion in China" series:
Rural 1 Rural 2 Rural 3 Rural 4 Rural 5 Rural 6 Rural 7
Rural 8 Rural 9 Rural 10 Rural 11 Rural 12 Rural 13 Rural 14
Rural 15 Rural 16 Rural 17 Rural 18 Rural 19 Rural 20 Rural 21
Rural 22 Rural 23 Rural 24 Rural 25 Rural 26 Rural 27 Rural 28
Rural 29 Rural 30 Rural 31 Rural 32 Rural 33
Rural 8 Rural 9 Rural 10 Rural 11 Rural 12 Rural 13 Rural 14
Rural 15 Rural 16 Rural 17 Rural 18 Rural 19 Rural 20 Rural 21
Rural 22 Rural 23 Rural 24 Rural 25 Rural 26 Rural 27 Rural 28
Rural 29 Rural 30 Rural 31 Rural 32 Rural 33
We begin with Marcel Granet’s shortest and most unusual book, The Religion of the Chinese People (La religion des chinois). Published in 1922, it represents the beginning of a very productive time in Granet’s scholarly career. He had returned to France after his travels in China and military service, during which he prepared his theses and began work on his first publications, many of which now make up Etudes sociologiques sur la Chine. He published another thesis in 1919, and Religion can fairly be interpreted as the end of one phase of his work and beginning of another—a work for a general audience that concentrates and clarifies many of the scholarly messages in his doctoral research and foreshadows the complex analysis that would follow in the next dozen years.
[b] Countryside RF |
Even a quick skim of Religion is capable of putting readers into
a relaxed state—one in which their usual scholarly cares are temporarily set aside. It is almost impossible to read much of the book without granting the
author a generous latitude in his manner of argumentation. Part of that comes from the book’s lack of
citations, which makes it read almost like an interconnected set of stories. His personal voice, especially in
the first and last chapters, plays a role as well. For those who have read all of Granet’s work,
this contrast can be refreshing. He
allows himself to wax poetic quite frequently, and the careful reader can see
his powerful blend of social theory and close readings of the Chinese classics
come together, almost as in a sociological-sinological dream state.
The Religion of the Chinese People is no less an
important book for that, and its strong core of key ideas provides a
good starting point for our analyses. Granet begins the book by marking the key dividing point in Chinese
religious traditions between countryside and city. Calling “the opposition between urban and rural life the essential
feature of Chinese society,” he gets to the heart of the matter with a sense of
irony.
The opposition between urban and rural life is an essential feature of Chinese society.
That ancient opposition—the simultaneous existence of towns and villages is attested by
the oldest documents—was doubtless more marked in antiquity than it was later to be. In the
historical times of the feudal period,
countrymen, in contrast to town-dwellers, preferred the
left to the right;as we know, nothing so much distinguishes two population groups as the
principles of orientation they have adopted. We have no right, for the time being, to think
that the distinction was
based upon a difference in race;nor does it seem to have
corresponded to a separation into closed castes: there
were constant exchanges between
the two parts of the population, and examples
abound of historical personages passing from
one to the other. The opposition was linked with mode of
grouping and style of life. In the
texts, products of urban settings, it is expressed in opinions that would
suggest an inequality
of value. Rural
life was opposed to urban life as peasant life to noble life. The essential point
is that the countrymen,
the ordinary people, the plebeians, had the customs that were proper
to them; a
fact marked by the aristocratic Rituals
in the saying: “The rites do not go down to
the common people.”[1]
L'opposition de la vie urbaine et de la vie rurale est un trait essentiel de la société chinoise.
L'opposition de la vie urbaine et de la vie rurale est un trait essentiel de la société chinoise.
Cette opposition, qui est ancienne - l'existence simultanée des
villes et des villages est
attestée par les plus vieux documents - était, sans
doute, plus marquée dans l'antiquité
qu'elle le fut dans la suite. Aux temps
historiques de la période féodale, les campagnards,
à l'inverse des citadins,
préféraient la gauche à la droite : rien, on le sait, ne distingue autant
deux groupes de population que le principe d'orientation qu'ils ont adopté.
Nous n'avons pas,
pour le moment, le droit de penser que la distinction fût
fondée sur une différence de race ;
elle ne semble pas non plus
correspondre à une séparation en castes fermées: les
échanges étaient
constants entre les deux parts de la population, et les exemples abondent
de
personnages historiques qui passèrent de l'une à l'autre. L'opposition tenait
au mode de
groupement et au genre de vie : dans les textes, œuvres des
milieux urbains, elle s'exprime
en termes de sentiment qui veulent suggérer une
inégalité de valeur. La vie rurale s'oppose
à la vie urbaine comme la vie
paysanne à la vie noble. L'essentiel est que les campagnards,
les gens du
commun, les plébéiens avaient des mœurs qui leur étaient propres ; cela,
les
Rituels aristocratiques le marquent d'un mot : « Les Rites ne
descendent pas jusqu'aux
gens du peuple. »[2]
As we will see, for Granet rural life was grounded in the
interactions people had, both with one another and with their environment. This was, of course, not only true of rural
life, and it will become apparent that aristocratic households were just as dependent
on the rhythms of nature and society as their peasant neighbors. Granet is quite clear, however, that all of
the complexities that would eventually emerge in the refined writings of the
urban literati had their foundations in rural life and the interactions that
agricultural workers forged with others—living and dead—as well as the teeming
natural world that surrounded them.
[d] Communion RF |
Granet’s source for this explication is a product of the
very urban aristocracy that maintained that “the rites do not go down to the
common people.” Indeed, most writings on
ritual do not tell us much that is neutral or “observational” about rural life,
and in many classical texts one might wonder whether all refined people did not
live in cities. Were it not for the 詩經 Shijing—the Classic of Poetry—we might have to reconstruct a picture of early
Chinese rural life from fragments in the ritual and historical record. Granet, however, saw in the Classic of Poetry a source that, although hardly
lacking in interpretive challenges, provides keys to understanding the nature
of rural social life and communion—the heart of the Chinese religious order in
early times and stretching even down to the present in many ways. Do not misunderstand me. The Classic of Poetry is a problematic source for life-as-lived in early China. What I find fascinating is what Granet does with it.
We should not know those customs were it not that there has been preserved for us in an
anthology of poems a whole collection of songs that came to be esteemed in the eyes of the
courtiers in the towns of the domains by the symbolic use they made of them. These songs,
more or less reworked by and deformed at their hands, are made up of themes, poetic
sayings, in which the rustic inspiration makes itself felt.[3]
Ces mœurs du vulgaire, nous ne les connaîtrions pas, s'il ne nous avait été conservé, dans
une Anthologie poétique, tout un lot de chansons, devenues respectables aux gens de cour
des villes seigneuriales par l'utilisation symbolique qu'ils en faisaient. Ces chansons, plus ou
moins remaniées par eux et déformées, sont constituées par des thèmes, des dictons
poétiques, où se sent l'inspiration rustique.[4]
[e] Clarity RF |
Those themes form the heart of Granet’s argument, both in The Religion of the Chinese People and the more scholarly Festivals and Songs in China [Fêtes et chansons de la Chine]. Before Granet can proceed however, he finds it necessary to address
certain methodological issues that bring into opposition the working habits of
his sinological and sociological readers.
Detail-oriented sinologists and pattern-seeking sociologists, especially
in Granet’s day, created demands on a single writer that were difficult to
satisfy, with one side seeking depth and clarity, while the other sought
satisfying generalizations.
Granet’s analysis at the beginning of his peasant
religion chapter clearly marks his interests in Chinese
thought as sociological, even macro-sociological. He speaks of “traces” of popular usage (which
might just as well be called “survivals,” in the rhetoric of his age), and it
is fundamental to his analysis that these can be found, even if only in general
form, throughout the literature of early China.
When these themes are grouped together, sociological analysis can succeed in
reconstructing a picture of rural life in its broadest outlines. But however methodical the
work of reconstruction may be, and even when it is subsequently confirmed by the traces
left by popular usages in the learned literature, the picture obtained can be only a general
picture.[5]
Les thèmes une fois groupés, l'analyse sociologique peut réussir à restituer, dans ses
When these themes are grouped together, sociological analysis can succeed in
reconstructing a picture of rural life in its broadest outlines. But however methodical the
work of reconstruction may be, and even when it is subsequently confirmed by the traces
left by popular usages in the learned literature, the picture obtained can be only a general
picture.[5]
Les thèmes une fois groupés, l'analyse sociologique peut réussir à restituer, dans ses
traits les
plus généraux, une image de la vie rurale. Si méthodique que soit le travail de
restitution, et même quand il est confirmé après coup par l'examen des traces
laissées
dans la littérature savante par les usages populaires, l'image obtenue
ne peut être
qu'une genre unique.[6]
qu'une genre unique.[6]
[f] Eurasian RF |
Note Granet’s assertion that the interpretation is valid
for the whole of China, even as it fails to deal with any historical and local
peculiarities. He is not content,
either, to say that is a weakness. In
fact, he characterizes those who would let the search for details derail broad
interpretations as “fanatics,” and still does not let it go merely at that. They are “enamored of individual facts and chronological
precision,” and he expresses his forceful disagreement with such an
approach. He concludes his prefatory matter with the very
interesting point that oddities—strange local customs or historical
aberrations—would infect serious analysis, and actually lead the interpreter
toward greater misunderstanding. For
Granet, generalizations are not to be feared. The careful polishing of isolated facts, however, can be very dangerous,
indeed. Be wary, he implies, of studying the record of what actually happened. That way...leads to chaos.
It is valid for the Chinese lands as a whole for a vast
period of poorly defined time: it
eliminates local and historical
peculiarities: a defect that is, after all, minor and which is felt
only by historical fanatics enamored of individual facts and chronological precision. There
is less risk that the reconstruction incorporates oddities: the defect would then have been
more serious and it needs to be pointed out.[7]
Elle vaut pour l'ensemble des pays chinois et pour une vaste période de temps mal
only by historical fanatics enamored of individual facts and chronological precision. There
is less risk that the reconstruction incorporates oddities: the defect would then have been
more serious and it needs to be pointed out.[7]
Elle vaut pour l'ensemble des pays chinois et pour une vaste période de temps mal
déterminée ; elle élimine les particularités locales et historiques :
dommage après tout
médiocre et sensible seulement aux fanatiques de l'histoire
épris de faits individuels et
de précision chronologique. Les chances sont
moindres qu'elle enregistre des singularités :
le dommage serait plus
sérieux et mérite d'être signalé.[8]
Marcel Granet thus sets the foundation for his analysis of Chinese religion by dividing urban and rural, aristocratic and common, and general and particular. His is a macro-sociological analysis that uses literature as its source. His is a kind of “imaginative sociology,” to use Maurice Freedman’s memorable phrase, that sought to find lessons that were much more lasting than stray historical facts. These fireworks (beware straightforward historians) are only the beginning for Monsieur Granet.
[g] Particular RF |
Notes
[1] Marcel Granet, The Religion of the Chinese People [Translated by Maurice Freedman] (New York: Harper & Row, 1975), 37.
[2] Marcel Granet, La Religion des Chinois (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1922), 10.
[3] Granet, Religion, 37.
[4] Granet, La religion, 1.
[5] Granet, Religion, 37-38.
[6] Granet, La religion, 11.
[7] Granet, Religion, 38.
[8] Granet, La religion, 11.
Bibliography
Granet, Marcel. The Religion of the Chinese People [Translated by Maurice Freedman]. New York: Harper & Row, 1975.
Granet, Marcel. La religion des chinois. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1922.
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