[a] Rapt RF |
This post is not meant to be the least bit humorous. It is meant to send a deeply ironic message across the ages to those who take today (it is 12:05 a.m. on Saturday, May 21, 2011 as I post this) as anything other than an ordinary Saturday—for anyone who has felt hints of a rupture...or something like that. As difficult as it may be to believe, it is also not meant to offend those who believe today to be different. Really. All I want to do is to "problematize" it a bit, as we say in the academic biz. My purpose is sincere, as even readers who might be offended thus far will see if they keep reading. Anyone who knows the subjects in which I am interested will also know that I have little patience with "rationalist" defenses against "superstition." Far from it. I seek to understand how ideas shape our lives. All ideas. All lives.
Alls I'm sayin' (as we are said to say back home) is that these things are complicated. I think that most readers of this blog will remember that I have been sayin' that...for some time already.
Here's the context. Thirty years ago to THIS day (I can prove it), I submitted an essay as part of my anthropological and religious studies work at Carleton College. I cannot help but post it today. It should not be hard to see the cruel parallels, and perhaps remind at least a person or two that "the end of the world" is not a new idea in the least. It wasn't even remotely a new idea in Homer's time. Or probably Grog's.
[b] Endings |
There are much more important questions to ponder today, however. If you are reading this at any time after May 21st, as I am sure most of you will be, I hope you will note the parallels in the last segments of the essay—with the sun rising again, and things remaining just as terrible as they had been before...only much worse. It is always worse when you destroy your infrastructure out of sheer frustration and hopelessness. As I typed the last paragraphs of this essay on Wednesday, May 20th all of those many years ago, I cried. It still chokes me up to think about how helplessness against Western technology could lead to wrenching despair.
Sort of makes "end of the world" t-shirts and suppers seem suddenly kind of silly, doesn't it?
I have compressed the essay, since I realize that it is too long (and way too old) for most people to want to read. I have included three short segments below, and the rest is linked to my "business book" website, The Emperor's Teacher, so as not to take up too much room here. This excerpt does not include the endnotes; check the full text (there are links below) for full documentation.
Robert André LaFleur (young, and in college—long, long ago)
Millenarianism and Resistance Among the Xhosa, 1779-1880: An Essay in Cultural Explication
Three Excerpts
1—Early Contact
The Afrikaners' movement eastward took place at an
astounding speed. But unlike the Nguni expansion, the Afrikaner
population did not increase as remarkably as their “consumption” of land.
Every man felt a God-given right to possess six thousand acres of land—called a
“hide” by trekkers. Ivory and animal skins culled from white hunting
expeditions were immediate sources of income for Afrikaners and, equipped with
guns and stabbing spears called assegais, they scoured the South African
frontier for game. The consequences of this expansion manifested
themselves quickly: by the turn of the century many indigenous species were
endangered. The Afrikaners, during their long push eastward, were armed with
those elements they felt raised them—materially and spiritually—above the
indigenous Africans. The wheel, horses, guns, and the Bible were the
essential reasons the Afrikaners could advance the South African frontier at
phenomenal rates.
Economic well-being on both sides hinged upon a policy of
peace. Especially for the Dutch Afrikaners, the movement of firearms,
cattle, trade goods, and labor depended on safe trade routes. However, as
demographic and economic pressures increased, each group required more land;
the early contacts between the Nguni “advanced guard” and the Afrikaners gave
way to more intense conflicts between organized militia.
By the late eighteenth century outright warfare became
inevitable, and the first of the great Kaffir Wars broke out in 1779.
During the first and second Kaffir Wars, the latter in 1793, the conflict
became far more intense than in previous battles, and scattered cattle-raiding
gave way to pitched battles and armed resistance. In spite of their
advanced military technology, however, the Boers never achieved lasting control
over the Xhosa in these wars. The far superior Xhosa numbers were
sufficient to counteract the Afrikaners’s technological superiority.
Indeed, the Xhosa actually could be said to have “won” the first three
encounters.
But in 1806 a crucial change took place at the
Cape. The Dutch lost control of southern Africa to the British. A
growing international industrial power, the British government, was prepared to
do something the Dutch never accomplished: advance the white settlements with
the military force of the state. In 1811 the British government at the
Cape decided to expel all Xhosa living west of the Fish River. The war
which followed—the fourth of the Kaffir Wars—was of unprecedented intensity.
Total war was a foreign and entirely shattering
experience for the Xhosa. Traditional African warfare was based on a
fundamentally different premise than those fought in nineteenth century
Europe. The purpose of warfare in traditional Xhosa society was to
assimilate the defeated into the society or realm of influence of the victor,
not destroy the social and economic base of the society by burning crops,
destroying cattle, and executing males. Instead of being subjected to the
victors and incorporated into their society—an extremely difficult process
itself, but one that was understood—the Xhosa were rejected and expelled from
their land. No longer on roughly equal terms, militarily and
economically, with the aggressors, the Xhosa found themselves in the unfamiliar
position of total defeat.
2—Nxele's Vision
Nowhere was anything resembling Christian messianic
visions found in traditional Xhosa thought. But it was precisely this
vision—a future millennium in which the ancestors would return to earth and end
the domination of the white man—that the Xhosa adapted from Christian
teachings. Thus millenarian prophecy, which would have been virtually
impossible to implement in pre-colonial Xhosa society, became a part of Xhosa
religion under the twin influences of European guns and Biblical teachings.
Although he was fascinated by the unusual power of the
white man—a power he perceived in Christian terms—Nxele (d. 1819) found it
difficult to cooperate with the Christian missionaries at the Cape for long.
At length, he became convinced that he could never be perceived as the equal of
white Christians, and began to move away from his earlier mainstream Christian
teachings. As a young man, Nxele was so impressed by the Christian
doctrine of resurrection that he persuaded many Xhosa to bury their dead.
It was from the traditional Christian education of his youth that Nxele strayed
in later years. After years of proclaiming divine truth to the Xhosa as a
servant of God, Nxele began to associate himself with this divinity—a quite
common indigenous reaction to Western teachings during the colonial period.
In 1816 Nxele began calling himself the younger brother
of Christ. Nxele’s “House of God” was truly syncretic, merging Christian
religious concepts with Xhosa social structure. Nxele perceived Christ as
an eldest son of a bulging patrilineage. Moreover, he reasoned that it
was foolish to call Mary a virgin. Procreation was an essential part of
life, he taught, and the way to worship God properly was to “dance and enjoy
life so that black people would multiply and fill the earth.”
Once outside the
Christian mainstream, Nxele quickly began to move away from its dogma. He
took three wives and accepted a diviner’s share of cattle, generally
incorporating himself into the mainstream of Xhosa society. But political
events in South Africa were drawing Nxele inexorably into direct conflict with
the British. His popularity as a prophet increased as he took stances
more in line with Xhosa nationalistic ideals. He began to teach that the
world was a battleground between Tixo, the god of the whites, and Mdalidipu,
the god of the blacks. This dichotomized conceptual universe reflected
the conflict at all levels between Xhosa and European cultures.
As a prophet, Nxele
gained great influence among his people, but his ambitions were both political
and religious. The Western differentiation between political and religious
action as “realistic” and “idealistic” was quite foreign to the Xhosa.
Nxele was able to fulfill a leadership role among the Xhosa by merging his
religious influence with the secular power of a paramount chief. The
prophet had to work within the confines of the formal power system, even though
the chiefs’ “real” power had been severely weakened during the Kaffir
Wars.
The Fifth Kaffir War
(1818-1819) was the scene of Nxele’s greatest triumph as a messianic leader, as
well as his ultimate defeat. In earlier wars with the Afrikaners, it was
difficult to discern which party was the aggressor. Each side engaged in
cattle raids and similar intrusions, until the conflicts widened into outright
warfare. But in December of 1818, at the order of the British authorities
at the Cape, British troops crossed the Fish River—hitherto the outermost
boundary of the Cape province—into Xhosaland. After burning crops and
huts they captured over 23,000 cattle before retreating. In reaction,
Nxele, leading 10,000 Xhosa warriors armed with stabbing assegais, launched a
daylight attack on Grahamstown. As they marched, Nxele’s army sang:
To chase the white men
from the earth
And drive them to the
sea.
The sea that cast them
up at first
For AmaXhosa’s curse
and bane
Howls for the progeny
she nursed
To swallow them again.
White men were
commonly believed by the Xhosa to originate in the sea—an accurate observation,
considering the shipping industry based at the Cape—and “driving the whites
back into the sea” became a popular idea in the Xhosa resistance. But the
physical confrontation was lopsided. Nxele’s spear-wielding warriors were
slaughtered by white bullets. Nxele was captured and executed by British
troops. After his death, his prophetic legend lived on, and Xhosa
continued to wait for his millennial return for many years. Even today
the Xhosa saying Kukuza kuka Nxele (“It is the coming of Nxele”) means
“deferred hope."
3—The Ending
In October of 1856,
Mhlakaza, paramount chief of Gcalekaland, ordered that all remaining cattle be
sacrificed within eight days, and on the ninth day the ancestors would return
to the earth. He predicted, with the aid of his trusted diviners, that
there would be a period of darkness, after which two suns would rise and battle
for control of the earth. The visions of the suns, representing the
forces of white and black, recalls Nxele’s synthesis in which the earth was a
battleground between Tixo, the god of the whites, and Mdalidipu, the god of the
blacks. Now the battle had moved to the sky, and the judgment was at
hand.
Believers rose on the
appointed day to see the battle, but the sun simply rose and set like countless
days before. The prophet explained this with the message that
disbelievers who had not yet killed their cattle had prevented the realization
of the millennium. A few converted, and a new day was set for the
following month. But this day, too, passed without event. Belief in
the prophecy lingered on—in some areas for as long as three years.
The continued re-explanation of the millennium’s failure may seem odd to the
Western mind, but it, too, is in accordance with traditional Xhosa
cosmology. The role of what Robin Horton calls “secondary elaboration”
plays a basic role in many African systems of thought.
In the theoretical
thought of the traditional cultures there is a notable reluctance to register
repeated failures of prediction and to act by attacking the beliefs
involved. Instead, other current beliefs are utilized in such a way as to
“excuse” each failure as it occurs, and hence to protect the major theoretical
assumptions upon which the prediction is based.
When it threatens the basic assumptions of a society’s thought, few are
prepared to throw out their beliefs after a failure or two. For the
Xhosa, those beliefs, based upon the sacrificial role of cattle, had an
absolute validity. To abandon them would threaten total chaos in nature and
culture. Westerners are no less secure during attacks on their most basic
assumptions about the universe. Whether religion or science is involved,
humans seek a sense of order in the world. The most profound threat to
our powers of knowing is the idea that, as Einstein put it, “God plays dice
with the universe.”
*** ***
At least half of the Xhosa
population perished in the aftermath of the cattle-killing. For countless
others, wage labor at the Cape was the only alternative to starvation.
There is little doubt that the millennial dreams which rested on the cattle
sacrifice was a final effort to stem the tide of European intrusion.
Having failed, their independence was gone. Although the Kaffir wars
dragged on for another twenty years, for the Xhosa at least, the reality of
Westernization had set in. Neither armed rebellion nor millenarian
prophecy was able to halt the establishment of colonial rule in South Africa.
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